Essays · Emotion, Value and Motivation

Goals Organise Behaviour

Goals make some information, outcomes and actions more relevant than others. They connect present behaviour to possible future states, but they do not operate as commands or guarantee execution.

By Yona Ole Lobulu ·

Essay14 min readD7.12

Topic
Emotion, Value and Motivation
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2 pieces should be read before this one
Reading time
About 14 minutes of reading
Difficulty
Late reading: this page sits at the far end of the Library, after many other pieces

The question

If a goal genuinely matters to someone, why does the behaviour it calls for so often fail to appear?

Definition

A goal is an organised representation of a possible future state — one to bring about, preserve or prevent — around which attention, valuation, learning and possible action can become coordinated over time.

Caring about something is not the same as acting on it.

Someone can genuinely want to exercise and still remain on the sofa. They can care about finishing an application yet avoid opening it. They can value a relationship but fail to make the call they have been thinking about for days. From the outside, these situations are often interpreted as evidence that the goal was not important enough. If the person really cared, the reasoning goes, they would have acted.

That conclusion treats a goal as though it were a command sent directly to the body. But a goal does not execute behaviour. It organises behaviour by changing what becomes relevant, which actions appear useful, how outcomes are interpreted and how separate actions become connected across time.

Whether any particular action occurs still depends on competing goals, learned responses, present capacity and the opportunities available within the person's environment. The expected action may be delayed, displaced by another demand or replaced by a less visible means of pursuit.

A goal can therefore be genuine, important and active without producing the behaviour an observer expects to see.

What a goal is

A goal is an organised representation of a possible future state. That state may involve bringing something about, preserving something that already exists or preventing an unwanted outcome. Completing a project, maintaining a relationship and avoiding financial loss can all function as goals.

Calling this representation organised does not mean that every goal is consciously clear, stable or internally consistent. A person may struggle to describe what they are pursuing, hold incompatible aims or revise the goal as conditions change. Organisation refers to the function the representation can perform: it creates a direction around which attention, evaluation, learning and possible action can become coordinated.

The goal is not the behaviour used to pursue it. Completing a degree is not the same as attending today's lecture. Improving health is not the same as preparing one meal or going for one walk. These actions may serve the goal, but none is identical to it.

A goal is also not simply a feeling of desire. Wanting can contribute to goal formation, but the intensity of wanting does not reveal how consistently behaviour has become organised around the desired state. As explored in wanting, liking and learning, wanting, enjoyment and learned motivational pull can separate from one another.

Nor is a goal identical to a value. A person may value health, independence or belonging without representing one specific outcome as a current target. Values influence which futures matter; goals organise pursuit around more particular possibilities.

These distinctions matter because the relationship between goals and actions is rarely one-to-one. The same goal can be served by several actions, while one action can serve several goals. Walking to work might support health, financial and environmental goals simultaneously. Calling a friend could maintain a relationship, seek support or fulfil an obligation. The behaviour alone does not reveal the full organisation behind it.

Goals change what becomes relevant

Suppose someone is searching a crowded kitchen for the ingredient required to finish a meal. Among many visible objects, containers that could hold that ingredient gain immediate relevance. They have not become brighter or physically larger. Their relationship to the current goal has changed their attentional priority.

Experimental research similarly suggests that information relevant to an active goal can attract attention even when a person has not deliberately decided to look for it. When several goals are active, cues associated with a more valuable or apparently attainable goal may receive greater priority.

Goals do not determine everything a person notices. Goal-relevant information still competes with physical salience, threat, novelty, habits and the demands of the current task. Fatigue or stress may make relevant information harder to maintain. An immediate problem may dominate awareness before a more distant goal affects selection.

An active goal therefore changes attentional probabilities rather than taking complete control of perception. It helps make some information useful, obstructive or promising under current conditions. This is one way behaviour becomes organised before any visible action begins.

Goals change the value of possible actions

An action does not have one fixed value independent of what a person is trying to achieve.

Opening a laptop may be useful when the active goal is finishing an essay, irrelevant when the goal is going to sleep and costly when the goal is remaining present during a conversation. The physical movement is similar, but its instrumental value changes with the represented outcome.

This connects goal pursuit with the processes examined in valuation. Goals allow objects, opportunities and actions to be evaluated as possible means. Their current value can depend on how useful they seem, how much effort they require, how quickly they might work and what other consequences they may produce.

Importance alone does not settle the result. A person may regard completing a qualification as deeply important while finding the next available step confusing, expensive or unlikely to help. An action serving a less important goal may be clear, immediately rewarding and easy to perform. It can gain behavioural priority without the broader goal becoming more important in the person's life.

Delay changes this evaluation too. A distant benefit may have less influence over present selection than a smaller immediate consequence.

Behaviour therefore depends partly on which actions are represented, how they are valued under current conditions and which become available for selection. It does not necessarily reveal which future matters most when considered in isolation.

Goals make feedback meaningful

Feedback does not arrive already classified as progress, failure or success. It becomes meaningful relative to a reference.

Suppose someone has written three pages. That fact could represent substantial progress, serious delay or nothing important. Its meaning depends on what the person is trying to produce, how much time remains and which standard is being used.

Goals are one important source of these reference states. Instructions, social norms and previous performance can also provide standards, whether or not the person fully endorses them. Information about the present can then be compared with the relevant reference, revealing some degree of discrepancy.

That discrepancy may contribute to increased effort, a revised strategy, a changed expectation, abandonment of the current means or adjustment of the goal. It does not prescribe one response.

This creates a connection with prediction error drives updating. Both goal regulation and prediction-based learning involve mismatches that can inform change. But a goal discrepancy is not automatically a prediction error in the narrower learning sense. One concerns the distance between a current and desired state; the other concerns a difference between what was predicted and what occurred. They can overlap without being identical.

Feedback also does not guarantee useful updating. A person may misunderstand it, lack a better alternative or face conditions that prevent adjustment. Positive feedback can strengthen commitment, but it can also signal that less effort is required. Negative feedback can mobilise action, reduce expectancy or show that continued pursuit is no longer worthwhile.

A goal helps make feedback interpretable. What happens next depends on the larger system.

Goals connect actions across time

Many goals cannot be attained through one action. They require behaviour distributed across hours, months or years.

A person may gather information today, save money next month and travel much later. These actions differ in form and occur under different conditions, yet their relation to one represented future allows them to form a coherent pursuit.

Goal structures can also contain different levels of abstraction. A broad goal such as becoming professionally independent may be served by developing a skill. That may involve completing a course, which may make opening a particular document useful tonight.

Real goal systems rarely form a perfectly ordered ladder. One goal can be served by several changing means, one action can support several goals and parts of the structure may remain vague until action reveals what is possible. Higher-order direction can connect behaviour across time without specifying every step in advance. Broader purpose can preserve motivational organisation across longer periods.

A goal also does not need to remain in focal awareness during every action. Someone writing a book does not have to repeat "finish the book" while choosing every sentence. Attention can remain on the paragraph while the broader goal continues to make that activity relevant.

Temporal organisation is not continuous conscious supervision.

Goals, intentions and plans solve different problems

A goal represents a possible future state. An intention represents some commitment or decision to act. A plan represents how, when or under which conditions action might occur.

One possible route through pursuit is: goal, then intention, then plan, then a remembered opportunity, then action, then outcome.

But this is not a mandatory linear sequence. Action can clarify a vague goal. A cue can trigger a previously learned response without fresh deliberation. Plans can be revised during performance, while unexpected outcomes can alter the original goal. Pursuit contains loops, interruptions and alternative routes.

Still, each distinction identifies a real point at which organisation may fail to become enactment. Someone may hold a health goal without selecting an action. They may intend to exercise without deciding when. They may plan to go after work but fail to recognise or remember the opportunity. Even if the plan is enacted, the activity may not produce the intended outcome.

Planning can represent routes through possible action. Yet a plan does not create time, remove obstacles or guarantee that its triggering conditions will appear.

An intended action must also become accessible at the relevant moment. That is partly a prospective-memory problem. People can sincerely intend to do something but fail to remember while occupied by another task.

The gap between commitment and execution deserves fuller treatment of its own. Here, the essential point is that goals, intentions and plans contribute different forms of organisation. None independently performs the behaviour.

Why organised behaviour can still fail to begin

A goal can be interrupted at several different points.

The person may fail to form an intention, or form one without identifying a workable means. The intended action may not be remembered, the relevant cue may pass unnoticed or the opportunity may appear at the wrong time. Another goal may gain priority before initiation.

Even when action begins, it may not be sustained. Capacity can change during pursuit. An unexpected demand may intervene. The action may become more costly than anticipated or conflict with another responsibility.

The chosen means can also fail. Someone may perform the planned action without making progress because the plan was based on incomplete information. Progress may occur without producing the eventual outcome. Alternatively, new evidence may lead the person to revise the goal or disengage deliberately.

These are not the same event:

  • failing to initiate;
  • failing to sustain action;
  • selecting an ineffective means;
  • failing to attain the outcome;
  • revising or abandoning the pursuit.

They can nevertheless produce similar visible behaviour. An observer may see only that the expected action did not occur.

Explaining the difference does not remove agency. It identifies the conditions through which agency must operate. Non-action is not causally mysterious, but neither can it be reduced to a single defect in motivation or character.

Behaviour is organised by more than one goal

People do not pursue one goal at a time inside otherwise empty lives.

The goal of exercising may coexist with goals concerning work, recovery, parenting, finances and relationships. These goals can compete for the same hour, require incompatible actions or facilitate one another. Walking with a friend might support both health and connection. Studying with a colleague could support learning and belonging.

It helps to distinguish three properties that are often treated as one:

  • Goal importance concerns how much the outcome matters.
  • Goal activation concerns how accessible or influential it is now.
  • Behavioural priority concerns how strongly it shapes present selection.

A goal can be highly important without being strongly activated at one particular moment. It can be active without gaining behavioural priority over an urgent competing demand.

An action that serves several goals may become especially valuable, but finding such an action can be difficult. Someone may need a form of exercise that is affordable, compatible with an injury, possible around childcare and accessible without transport. The health goal can remain important even when no available action satisfies the full set of constraints.

Failure to act on one goal may therefore reflect responsiveness to another. Rest can displace exercise when recovery becomes urgent. Responding to a child can displace focused work. Protecting immediate financial stability can delay valued education.

The selection processes involved in resolving immediate conflict, and the broader architecture of interference, facilitation and changing priority among goals, are examined more fully elsewhere in the Library.

Progress, effort and persistence can mislead

Visible effort is not a transparent measure of goal value.

High effort may indicate commitment, but it can also reflect poor tools, low skill, severe obstacles or an ineffective strategy. Low visible effort may reflect weak commitment, but it may instead reflect expertise, automation, assistance or an efficient means.

Progress is equally dependent on interpretation. Early evidence of movement can strengthen commitment by showing that attainment is possible. Once commitment is secure, focusing on what remains may mobilise effort. In other situations, progress can permit relaxation or make another goal more urgent. Lack of progress may intensify pursuit, trigger strategy change, lower expectancy or support disengagement.

Persistence must therefore be evaluated in relation to attainability, costs and alternatives. Continuing can preserve an effective pursuit through difficulty, but it can also become perseveration around a failing strategy. Commitment may narrow attention to the focal goal and reduce sensitivity to better alternatives.

Disengagement is similarly ambiguous. Abandoning a goal judged unattainable or no longer worth its costs may release resources for a feasible alternative. But that judgment can itself be mistaken. Neither persistence nor withdrawal is inherently adaptive outside the conditions in which it occurs.

Goals exist inside social and structural conditions

These organising processes never occur in isolation from the environment. From the beginning, the available action set is shaped by material and social conditions.

Some goals are self-generated. Others are suggested, negotiated or assigned. A person may pursue an outcome because it is meaningful, because others expect it or because abandoning it would carry social consequences. The same stated goal can contain several of these motives at once.

Other people can provide information, encouragement, access and practical assistance. They can also impose conflicting demands, withdraw support or make one course of action socially unsafe.

Material conditions determine which means are feasible. Time, money, transport, health, disability, sleep, caregiving, institutional rules and environmental predictability all affect whether a possible action can be performed. These are not minor influences added after motivation has done its work. They are part of the system through which a goal could shape behaviour.

Two people can report the same goal importance while facing entirely different action sets. One may have privacy, flexible time and financial support. Another may have unstable work hours, restricted access and responsibilities that cannot be postponed. Different behaviour under those conditions does not provide a clean measure of different commitment.

Behavioural failure cannot be attributed to insufficient caring without considering competing goals, present capacity, available opportunity and structural constraint.

A goal need not be continuously conscious

An active goal can influence relevance without remaining continuously in conscious focus. Goal-relevant cues may receive priority while attention is directed elsewhere. A planned situation may retrieve an intention, and a learned response may begin with little fresh deliberation.

These are related but distinct processes. Continued goal influence is not the same as remembering an intended action, and neither is identical to the automatic execution of a learned response.

Goals should not be imagined as hidden agents that independently command behaviour. Nor does every cue-triggered action prove that a complete goal was operating outside awareness. The narrower conclusion is enough: conscious rehearsal is not required at every moment for prior organisation to continue shaping what becomes accessible.

Reduced deliberation is not automatic execution.

Organisation is not execution

A goal can make one cue easier to notice, one action more useful and one outcome meaningful as feedback. It can connect today's behaviour with a future that remains distant. Yet none of those functions performs the action itself.

Enactment emerges from the interaction among represented futures, learned responses, intentions, plans, competing priorities, present capacity and available opportunity. The selected action may then succeed, fail or reveal that the goal or strategy needs to change.

That is why visible behaviour cannot be treated as a direct reading of what someone values. Non-action does not prove indifference. Effort does not perfectly measure importance. Persistence does not guarantee effective pursuit.

Goals provide direction by organising the system in which behaviour becomes possible. They influence what happens next without dictating it.

Goals organise behaviour. They do not directly produce it.

Behind this page

The claims this essay makes, the evidence behind them, and the limits it accepts.

Evidence status

High confidence

Strongly supported, though resting on synthesis or principle rather than a single decisive body of evidence.

Claims

  1. Goals organise behaviour; they do not directly produce it

    Canonical inference

    What this does not assert: The canonical thesis of the node.

  2. Observed behaviour alone does not reveal the goal organisation behind it

    Canonical inference

    What this does not assert: The inference problem the node keeps returning to.

  3. An active goal changes the attentional priority of goal-relevant information without changing its physical properties

    Established

    What this does not assert: Relevance, not salience, does the work.

  4. Information relevant to an active goal can attract attention without a deliberate decision to look for it

    Established

    What this does not assert: Vogt, De Houwer & Crombez (2011).

  5. When several goals are active, cues associated with a more valuable or more attainable goal may receive greater attentional priority

    High confidence

    What this does not assert: Multiple-goal management.

  6. Goal-relevant information still competes with physical salience, threat, novelty, habits and current task demands

    Established

    What this does not assert: Goals do not control perception.

  7. An active goal changes attentional probabilities rather than determining what is noticed

    Canonical inference

    What this does not assert: Probabilistic influence, not control.

  8. An action has no fixed value independent of the outcome a person is currently pursuing

    Established

    What this does not assert: Instrumental value is goal-relative.

  9. Goals allow objects, opportunities and actions to be evaluated as possible means, with value depending on usefulness, effort, speed and side effects

    Established

    What this does not assert: Connects to the valuation architecture upstream.

  10. Goal importance alone does not determine which action is selected; a clear, easy, immediately rewarding action serving a lesser goal can gain behavioural priority

    High confidence

    What this does not assert: Priority is not importance.

  11. A distant benefit may exert less influence over present selection than a smaller immediate consequence

    Established

    What this does not assert: Delay discounting, developed downstream.

  12. Caring about an outcome is not the same as acting on it, and non-action is not evidence that the goal was unimportant

    Canonical inference

    What this does not assert: The opening case; behaviour underdetermines commitment.

  13. Behaviour depends on which actions are represented, how they are valued under current conditions and which are available for selection

    Canonical inference

    What this does not assert: Three separable requirements.

  14. Feedback is not intrinsically progress, failure or success; it becomes meaningful relative to a reference state

    Established

    What this does not assert: Control-process account.

  15. Goals are one source of reference states; instructions, social norms and previous performance can also supply standards

    Established

    What this does not assert: Standards need not be endorsed by the person.

  16. Comparing the present state with a reference reveals a discrepancy that may produce effort, strategy revision, changed expectancy, abandonment of the means or adjustment of the goal

    Established

    What this does not assert: Carver & Scheier (2002); the discrepancy does not prescribe one response.

  17. A goal discrepancy is not automatically a prediction error in the narrower learning sense

    Canonical inference

    What this does not assert: One concerns current-versus-desired state; the other predicted-versus-obtained outcome.

  18. Feedback does not guarantee useful updating

    High confidence

    What this does not assert: It may be misunderstood, or no better alternative may exist.

  19. Positive feedback can strengthen commitment or signal that less effort is required; negative feedback can mobilise action, reduce expectancy or support disengagement

    Established

    What this does not assert: Koo & Fishbach (2008); direction depends on conditions.

  20. Many goals cannot be attained through one action and require behaviour distributed across long periods

    Established

    What this does not assert: Temporal organisation.

  21. Actions differing in form and occurring under different conditions can form a coherent pursuit through their relation to one represented future

    Established

    What this does not assert: Equifinality within a goal system.

  22. Goal structures contain different levels of abstraction, but real systems rarely form a perfectly ordered hierarchy

    High confidence

    What this does not assert: Kruglanski et al. (2002).

  23. Treating a goal as a command sent to the body misdescribes what goal representations do

    Canonical inference

    What this does not assert: Against the command model.

  24. Higher-order direction can connect behaviour across time without specifying every step in advance

    Canonical inference

    What this does not assert: Broader purpose is treated downstream.

  25. A goal does not need to remain in focal awareness during every action it organises

    High confidence

    What this does not assert: Temporal organisation is not continuous conscious supervision.

  26. A goal represents a possible future state, an intention represents a commitment to act, and a plan represents how, when or under which conditions action might occur

    Established

    What this does not assert: Three distinct constructs.

  27. The sequence from goal to intention to plan to opportunity to action is one possible route, not a mandatory linear order

    Canonical inference

    What this does not assert: Pursuit contains loops, interruptions and alternative routes.

  28. Each of these distinctions marks a real point at which organisation can fail to become enactment

    Canonical inference

    What this does not assert: Failure has several distinct locations.

  29. Specifying when, where and how to act can improve the rate at which goal intentions are enacted

    Established

    What this does not assert: Sheeran, Webb & Gollwitzer (2005); implementation intentions.

  30. Implementation intentions can support prospective remembering under high attentional demand

    Established

    What this does not assert: McDaniel, Howard & Butler (2008).

  31. A plan does not create time, remove obstacles or guarantee that its triggering conditions will appear

    Canonical inference

    What this does not assert: Against plan optimism.

  32. An intended action must become accessible at the relevant moment, which is partly a prospective-memory problem

    Established

    What this does not assert: Sincere intention can fail through failed retrieval.

  33. Goals, intentions and plans contribute different forms of organisation, and none independently performs the behaviour

    Canonical inference

    What this does not assert: The structural conclusion of the section.

  34. A goal is an organised representation of a possible future state, which may involve bringing something about, preserving it or preventing it

    Established

    What this does not assert: Attainment, maintenance and avoidance goals all qualify.

  35. Pursuit can be interrupted at initiation, at maintenance, in the selection of means, at outcome attainment or through deliberate revision

    Canonical inference

    What this does not assert: Five distinct failure points.

  36. Failing to initiate, failing to sustain, choosing an ineffective means, failing to attain the outcome and revising the goal can produce similar visible behaviour

    Canonical inference

    What this does not assert: Observers see only the absent action.

  37. Performing the planned action can fail to produce progress when the plan rested on incomplete information

    High confidence

    What this does not assert: Means failure, not motivational failure.

  38. Explaining the conditions of non-action does not remove agency; it identifies the conditions through which agency operates

    Canonical inference

    What this does not assert: Against determinism and against blame.

  39. People pursue multiple goals that can compete for the same resources, require incompatible actions or facilitate one another

    Established

    What this does not assert: Riediger & Freund (2004): interference and facilitation.

  40. Goal importance, goal activation and behavioural priority are three separable properties

    Canonical inference

    What this does not assert: Routinely treated as one.

  41. A goal can be highly important without being strongly activated, and active without gaining priority over an urgent competing demand

    High confidence

    What this does not assert: The core corrective of the node.

  42. An action serving several goals at once can become especially valuable, but such actions can be hard to find under real constraints

    High confidence

    What this does not assert: Multifinality is not always available.

  43. Failure to act on one goal may reflect responsiveness to another rather than indifference to the first

    Canonical inference

    What this does not assert: Rest, caregiving and financial stability can displace valued pursuits.

  44. Visible effort is not a transparent measure of goal value

    Canonical inference

    What this does not assert: It can reflect poor tools, low skill or an ineffective strategy.

  45. Organisation refers to the function a goal representation performs, not to conscious clarity, stability or internal consistency

    Canonical inference

    What this does not assert: Goals can be vague, conflicting or revised.

  46. Low visible effort may reflect expertise, automation, assistance or an efficient means rather than weak commitment

    High confidence

    What this does not assert: The inverse error.

  47. Early progress can strengthen commitment, while attention to what remains can mobilise effort once commitment is secure

    Established

    What this does not assert: Koo & Fishbach (2008): the dynamics depend on commitment.

  48. Progress can also permit relaxation or make another goal more urgent, and lack of progress can intensify pursuit or support disengagement

    Established

    What this does not assert: Schmidt & Dolis (2009).

  49. Persistence must be evaluated relative to attainability, costs and alternatives; it can preserve an effective pursuit or become perseveration

    High confidence

    What this does not assert: Neither persistence nor withdrawal is inherently adaptive.

  50. Commitment can narrow attention toward the focal goal and reduce sensitivity to alternatives

    Established

    What this does not assert: Shah, Friedman & Kruglanski (2002): goal shielding.

  51. Selective attention associated with ventromedial prefrontal activity has been linked to sustained goal commitment

    Contested

    What this does not assert: Holton et al. (2024); a neural correlate, not an explanation of commitment.

  52. Disengaging from an unattainable goal can release resources for a feasible alternative, though the judgment of unattainability can be mistaken

    Established

    What this does not assert: Wrosch et al. (2007).

  53. Some goals are self-generated while others are suggested, negotiated or assigned, and one stated goal can carry several motives at once

    Established

    What this does not assert: Social origin of goals.

  54. Other people can supply information, access and assistance, or impose conflicting demands and withdraw support

    High confidence

    What this does not assert: The social environment cuts both ways.

  55. Time, money, transport, health, disability, sleep, caregiving, institutional rules and environmental predictability determine which means are feasible

    Established

    What this does not assert: Structural conditions are part of the system, not an afterthought.

  56. A goal is not identical to the behaviour used to pursue it

    Established

    What this does not assert: goal ≠ action.

  57. Two people reporting equal goal importance may face entirely different action sets, so different behaviour is not a clean measure of different commitment

    Canonical inference

    What this does not assert: The equity implication of the node.

  58. Behavioural failure cannot be attributed to insufficient caring without considering competing goals, capacity, opportunity and structural constraint

    Canonical inference

    What this does not assert: The blame prohibition.

  59. An active goal can influence relevance without remaining continuously in conscious focus

    High confidence

    What this does not assert: Bounded claim about nonconscious influence.

  60. Continued goal influence, remembering an intended action and automatic execution of a learned response are three distinct processes

    Canonical inference

    What this does not assert: Frequently conflated.

  61. Goals are not hidden agents that independently command behaviour, and a cue-triggered action does not prove a complete goal was operating outside awareness

    Canonical inference

    What this does not assert: Against homuncular and over-strong nonconscious readings.

  62. Reduced deliberation is not automatic execution

    Canonical inference

    What this does not assert: The bounded formulation the node keeps.

  63. Enactment emerges from interaction among represented futures, learned responses, intentions, plans, competing priorities, capacity and opportunity

    Canonical inference

    What this does not assert: The systems statement.

  64. Visible behaviour cannot be read directly as a measure of what a person values

    Canonical inference

    What this does not assert: The closing formulation of the node.

  65. A goal is not simply a feeling of desire, and the intensity of wanting does not reveal how consistently behaviour is organised around the outcome

    High confidence

    What this does not assert: goal ≠ wanting.

  66. A goal is not identical to a value: values influence which futures matter, goals organise pursuit of particular outcomes

    Canonical inference

    What this does not assert: goal ≠ value.

  67. The relationship between goals and actions is many-to-many: one goal can be served by several actions and one action can serve several goals

    Established

    What this does not assert: Goal-systems structure.

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What becomes readable once you have this.

Where to go from here

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Goals Compete

Why neglecting an important goal does not mean it was absent, weak or insincere.

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